Economists Milaniaková and Bartůsková: “Without children’s groups, we underestimate the entire system of early childcare.”

Three percent—or nearly twenty? In the debate on childcare for children under three, public discussion has long relied on figures that only partially reflect reality. Research from the Faculty of Economics at the Prague University of Economics and Business shows that without including children’s groups, the picture of childcare for children under three in the Czech Republic remains incomplete. The study by Lucie Milaniaková and Lucia Bartůsková from the Department of Economic and Social Policy was published in the prestigious international journal International Journal of Early Childhood. In this interview, the authors explain where the discrepancy in the data comes from, how accessible childcare for the youngest children really is, and what this means for families and the labour market. 

Official statistics say that childcare for children under three concerns only three percent of children. Yet you speak of nearly twenty percent. Where does this difference come from? 

Bartůsková: The difference is mainly methodological. Official statistics primarily monitor traditional kindergartens and often only children who attend with a certain intensity (typically more than 30 hours per week). For a long time, however, children’s groups and other flexible forms of care—key for children under three—were not fully reflected in these figures. 

Milaniaková: In our analysis, we worked with detailed data from the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs and combined it with data on kindergartens. When we also include children’s groups and part-time attendance, we find that nearly one-fifth of children under three use some form of institutional childcare. That presents a completely different picture of the system. 

Our results show that children’s groups are not sufficiently reflected in some official statistics. This leads to an underestimation of the actual availability of care for the youngest children. For us, it is important to highlight that these figures then shape public debate on family policy. If we rely on an incomplete picture of reality, this may result in inaccurately designed policies and an underestimation of services that already play a crucial role for many families. 

What led you to the topic of children’s groups? Was it purely an academic question, or also a personal experience? 

Bartůsková: Both of us have long focused on family policy and the labour market, and childcare for children under three is precisely where these two areas intersect most strongly. When you look at maternal employment in the Czech Republic, it becomes clear that the availability of childcare is an absolutely key variable. 

What do your findings mean for an ordinary family with a young child? 

Milaniaková: For families, the most important message is that the childcare system for young children in the Czech Republic is more diverse than it may seem. Today, children’s groups represent a real alternative to kindergartens, especially for children under three. They are often more flexible, with smaller groups, longer opening hours, and a quicker response to parents’ needs. 

At the same time, our research shows that availability is not uniform everywhere, and financial costs may still be a barrier for some families. So for an average family, this means: there are more options than before, but the system is not yet fully balanced. 

Are children’s groups accessible to all families today, or does it still depend on the region where a family lives? 

Milaniaková: Region plays a significant role. Capacities of children’s groups have mainly developed where demand was high—i.e., in large cities and their surroundings. In some economically weaker regions, supply is lower. 

Bartůsková: That does not necessarily mean we should simply aim to strengthen them everywhere, but it interestingly shows that the system has largely developed “from the bottom up,” according to real demand from parents and employers. This has its advantages—capacities emerge where they are needed—but it also leads to regional inequalities. 

Do children’s groups change only family policy, or also the Czech labour market? 

Bartůsková: Clearly both. At first glance, they are a family policy instrument, but in reality they have a strong impact on the labour market. Accessible childcare for young children enables parents—especially mothers—to return to work earlier or to work part-time. In a country with very long parental leave periods and low employment rates among mothers of young children, this can have significant economic impacts—not only for families, but also for companies and public finances. 

Is the funding of children’s groups stable within the legislative framework, or are they dependent on EU subsidies? 

Milaniaková: In the beginning, children’s groups were highly dependent on European funds, which raised concerns about their long-term sustainability. An important shift came with the legislative amendment in 2021, which introduced a system of state co-financing and clearer rules, including a cap on parental fees. Today, they therefore have more stable institutional support than before and are no longer just “projects funded by grants.” 

Bartůsková: At the same time, experience shows that establishing a new children’s group is not entirely simple. The process of obtaining all necessary permits and meeting requirements can be lengthy and administratively demanding. It often involves a combination of hygiene, construction, and operational standards, and aligning them is not always quick. So although the system has stabilised in terms of funding, practical accessibility for new providers remains a challenge. 

In your view, what is the next step that would help further develop the system of early childcare? 

Milaniaková: We see three key steps. First, stable and predictable funding so that providers can plan long term. Second, greater support in regions where demand exists but capacity remains low. And third, better integration of data and statistics so that public debate is based on a realistic picture of the system. 

If you were to summarise one key takeaway for the public from your research, what would it be? 

Milaniaková: Our research primarily shows that the system of childcare for children under three in the Czech Republic is more developed than official figures often suggest, and that over the past decade children’s groups have become an important part of family policy. At the same time, these findings lead to a broader reflection on the future. 

If we want to further develop the system, we will need to better reflect the real needs of parents and changes in working life. Today, it is neither self-evident nor realistic for many families that one parent—typically the mother—remains completely outside the labour market for several years. Early childcare services can help create an environment in which childcare and professional life can be better combined and parents can remain at least partially economically active. 

Bartůsková: I would add that the goal is not to push families into one single model, but rather to create conditions that give them a genuine choice. To summarise: our research shows that the Czech system has moved forward, while also opening the question of how to shape it in the future so that it reflects the realities of contemporary family life and supports families in balancing care and work. 

Ing. Lucie Milaniaková

Lucie Milaniaková is a doctoral student at the Department of Economic and Social Policy at the Faculty of Economics and Public Administration of the Prague University of Economics and Business. She focuses on social policy, particularly family policy. 

Ing. Lucia Bartůsková, Ph.D.

Lucia Bartůsková is an assistant professor at the Faculty of Economics and Public Administration of the Prague University of Economics and Business, specialising in social policy, labour economics, and family policy. She received her Ph.D. from the same faculty in 2015. Her research connects theoretical approaches in the economics of the family with empirical analysis and their applications in economic and social policy. She has long focused on labour market functioning, demographic change, and the design of family and social policies in the European context.